"Perhaps in the eyes of the British, they may really believe that this is our general offensive. Public opinion in many Commonwealth countries does say so." Shelepin's loyal supporter is still the chairman of the KGB, so he is naturally very clear about the current public opinion in various countries. on the movement.

"If this is the case, there are pros and cons." Gromyko was taken aback and then said, "African and Asian affairs are added, and our bargaining chips will increase. If the Cuban missile crisis subsides, There is no doubt that we need to score points on these two issues, otherwise we will not be able to account to other allies."

Brezhnev fell into thinking, and finally shook his head and said, "We can't participate in Asian affairs. No matter which side we stand on, we will be complained in the end, not to mention our Eastern comrades are disobedient and in an irrational state. Among them, if we say any word, they think we are interfering in internal affairs. At least in public, it is not appropriate to express our position at the diplomatic level."

The former close Eastern allies have become downright problem children in the eyes of Moscow now. It caused a lot of trouble for the Soviet Union, and any contact is not advisable under such circumstances.

"In fact, in addition to these three points, we must also pay attention to Southeast Asia. Sukarno was very dissatisfied because the United States stood on the side of Britain and the Netherlands, and Australia had strong hostility to independent Indonesia. The power of the Indonesian Communist Party expanded. Soon, if we can make decisive progress on Indonesian affairs after this crisis is over, we should be able to draw a good end to this crisis.”

At this time, Fultseva spoke eloquently, expounding her views on Indonesian affairs, and then changed the subject, "But through the fate of Mossadegh in Iran, we should also know several elements, that is, the leaders of many countries People, such as Mossadegh, don't understand the seriousness of the matter at all, and they also have problems with their fundamentals."

"Even if Sukarno is now leaning towards the Indonesian Communist Party, the Indonesian military receives so-called aid from the United States every year, which is very similar to the previous Iranian coup."

Unknowingly, all the members of the Central Presidium were attracted by Fultseva's words. The cultural tsar seldom expressed his position on foreign affairs, but the limited few times, the effect was good.

"In the event of a coup, the disadvantage of the Soviet Union is exactly the same as the Cuban missile crisis this time, that is, we lack the strength to support an archipelagic country." Furtseva said feeling helpless, "From the worst point of view, say Perhaps the British and American plans to overthrow Indonesia have already been put on the agenda, if there is a coup, how will we rescue it."

The members of the Central Presidium were silent. If the Soviet Union had a way, it would not be so embarrassing in the Cuban missile crisis.

Maybe the British Royal Navy is not as sharp as the US Navy, but its strength is still above the Soviet Red Navy.

"The risk is so great, and if something happens, we can't rescue it at all, so there is only one way. We must act first and strive for the greatest victory."

Fultseva looked at Shelepin when she said this, "Shulik, is there no progress in the work of the KGB in Indonesia? In fact, for many countries, a coup d'etat does not need a strong force, and a capable command of a combat force can To get things done, just like in Congo, we control or make Lumumba lean towards us, and now in Katanga, suppress the British-backed independence forces."

"Even if it is really successful, putting Sukarno in front of the stage is still the top priority." Brezhnev continued along Fultseva's train of thought, "Our long-range projection is not strong enough, and The cooperation of prestigious national leaders is not an option that cannot be done. If Sukarno is also left aside, the situation in Indonesia cannot be controlled."

"I'm teaching the United States a lesson." Compared to others, Khrushchev was in the most urgent mood. He had already thought of the possible consequences of the Cuban Missile Crisis, but he didn't expect the United States to put the Soviet Union in an extremely uncomfortable position.

If he backs down this time, he will be bankrupt for the past few years of blackmailing the United States by talking about missiles but not talking about missiles.

But a real compromise, even if Britain and France have taken the initiative to step down, it is still difficult to accept. This is a huge detriment to his authority.

So even if it is a final compromise, the Soviet Union must achieve results in another place. "Shulik, Comrade Katya's opinion is extremely important. Considering the lessons learned by Iran, in a sense, the situation in Sukarno, Indonesia is indeed true. It's very dangerous, do comrades agree with this judgment?"

When Khrushchev asked for consent, he was not asking for other people's opinions, but a matter of decision. The people here are naturally very aware of this, and they all nodded in agreement.

After the meeting was over, Brezhnev left the Kremlin, and Fultseva followed, and he heard Brezhnev say, "Once a compromise is made, the impact will be huge. Our country's national conditions cannot tolerate a single Weak people lead."

"Hmm!" Fortseva hummed. Brezhnev was telling the truth, and that's how Russians are. There is no patience for the weak. Both of them tacitly did not continue the discussion.

At the British Embassy, ​​Alan Wilson is analyzing with Van Syed about what the Soviet Union will do next. The name Van Seed aroused the interest of Alan Wilson, and there was nothing special about it under inquiry, Dutch origin.

"Based on my understanding of the Soviets, I feel that there is little hope for the Soviet Union to make concessions. The executive deputy minister's visit to Moscow this time may not have the desired results." God has no place for the weak.

"That's not necessarily the case. In fact, being good at strategic contraction is far more a test of a leader's ability than being good at strategic offense. Who can't do strategic attack? But strategic contraction is very difficult."

Alan Wilson expressed his feelings. After the war, Britain began to shrink its strategy. It may not be honorable to say it. But it is also a way to weigh the pros and cons. If we insist on the framework of the empire on which the sun never sets, it is estimated that it has been dragged down by the combination of the United States and the Soviet Union.

In the general direction, Britain's strategic contraction is correct, and Alan Wilson also knows this. It's just that he doesn't trust the United States, and he feels that the United States is obviously not as smooth as the United Kingdom in terms of diplomacy.

At his current age, it would be better if he died earlier. If he lived longer, he would be considered to have defeated the Soviet Union. Could it be that after the United States defeated the Soviet Union, it turned around and hammered Britain and France, and then closed its eyes and became invincible in the world? Is it taking Britain into a ditch?

In his opinion, in terms of strategic contraction between the United States and the Soviet Union, let alone the second brother, the Soviet Union shrank itself and collapsed. Seeing the consequences, the United States is determined not to shrink in the 21st century, but this is not a problem that can be solved by a hard cap.

The problem won't disappear just because it insists on nothing, it will explode sooner or later, and don't implicate the hostage Britain by then.

The two people who were discussing in the embassy didn't know at this time that the Soviets were now preparing to open up another front to regain their position, and it was proposed by the cultural czar in the eyes of Allen Wilson.

Semichasny found Xie Lepin with a summary of Indonesian affairs and reported the current situation in Indonesia.

The relationship between the United States and Sukarno was not harmonious, and it was also because the United States stood on the side of the United Kingdom and adopted hostility towards the Non-Aligned Movement of the Sukarno regime. After all, loyalty is not absolute, but absolute disloyalty.

After Indonesian President Sukarno began to implement his so-called "guided democracy" reforms, the United States provided armaments, including dozens of fighter jets, to Indonesian right-wing soldiers and separatists because they were afraid of Sukarno's increasingly close relationship with the Indonesian Communist Party.

The main arms recipients are two different organizations. The first is the revolutionary government of the People's Republic of Indonesia in Sumatra, and the second is a rebel movement based in Manado.

The U.S. government not only provided armaments to the two rebel groups, but also sent him special agents to Indonesia to help the two groups realize their dreams of secession. The Indonesian side did not know the intention of the United States and requested military assistance from the United States, which was also rejected by the United States.

Throughout the process, the Sukarno government has discovered that the United States is the backstage of these two organizations.

"What is certain is that Sukarno alienated the United States because of this." Semichasny introduced to Shelepin, "It is not that there is no opportunity to expand the influence of the Soviet Union to Indonesia, and in fact it is quite appropriate."

"If we take some action, the United States may take measures against Mossadegh. You also said that the United States provides so-called aid to the Indonesian military every year. Sukarno knows that the United States is the backstage of the two separatist organizations, and remains indifferent , it can be seen that his political level is not high, or he is too confident in his transcendent status as the father of independence."

"The last person who was so confident was killed by Pahlavi in ​​Tehran."

Xie Lepin shook his head and said ~lightnovelpub.net~ This situation is quite dangerous, and the most dangerous thing is that Sukarno may still be aware of this danger. "

At this time, Shelepin didn't know that Fultseva had a list of Indonesian military generals that should be eliminated, and she was still worried about how to find an entry point.

While Shelepin was grieving, Khrushchev, the first secretary of the Soviet Central Presidium, wrote a personal letter to Kennedy explaining the Soviet Union's position in this crisis.

Soon, Kennedy in the White House received a letter from Khrushchev. At this time, with a heart of showing off, Kennedy showed Khrushchev's personal letter in front of the foreign ministers of Britain and France, "It turns out that Khrushchev has nothing to do with our naval blockade."

"If this is the case, there will be room for a peaceful resolution of the matter, and this is what our two countries hope to see." Rabo Butler breathed a sigh of relief, thinking about how to take credit for the end of the Cuban missile crisis after returning. , on top of the British mediation this time.

Coincidentally, the French also thought so, but Kennedy didn't think so. He didn't want these two outdated overlords to use this confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union to enhance their prestige.