"Maybe in the eyes of the British people, they may really believe that this is our general attack. The public opinion of many British Commonwealth countries does say so." Shelepin's loyal supporter is still the chairman of the KGB. Naturally, he is very clear about the current public opinion in various countries. movement on.

"If this is the case, it can be called pros and cons." Gromyko was stunned and then said, "If Africa and Asia are involved, we will have more bargaining chips. If the Cuban missile crisis is over, we will have more leverage. There is no doubt that we need to score points on these two issues, otherwise we will not be able to explain to other allies."

Brezhnev fell into his thoughts, and finally shook his head and said, "We can't participate in Asian affairs. No matter which side we stand on, we will end up being blamed, not to mention that our Eastern comrades are disobedient and are in an irrational state. Among them, maybe whatever we say, they are thinking that we are interfering in internal affairs. At least in public, it is not suitable to express a position at the diplomatic level.”

The former close Eastern allies have become downright problem children in the eyes of Moscow now. It caused a lot of trouble for the Soviet Union, in which case any contact was not advisable.

"In fact, in addition to these three points, we must also pay attention to Southeast Asia, Sukarno is very dissatisfied because the United States is on the side of Britain and the Netherlands, and Australia has a strong hostility to Indonesia after independence. The power of the Indonesian Communist Party is inflated. Soon, if decisive progress can be made in Indonesian affairs after this crisis is over? It should be able to draw a good end to this crisis.”

Fortseva spoke at this time, expounding her views on Indonesian affairs, and then changed the subject, "But through the fate of Mosaddegh in Iran, we should also know a few elements, that is, the leadership of many countries. People, such as Mosaddegh, have no idea of ​​the seriousness of the matter, and there are problems with the fundamentals."

"Even though Sukarno is now leaning towards the Communist Party of Indonesia, the Indonesian military receives so-called US aid every year, which is very similar to the previous coup in Iran."

Unknowingly, all the members of the Central Presidium were attracted by Furtseva's words. The cultural czar rarely expressed his position on foreign affairs, but the effect was good on a limited number of occasions.

"In the event of a coup d'etat, the Soviet Union's disadvantage is exactly the same as this Cuban missile crisis, that is, we lack the strength to support an archipelagic country." Fortseva said, feeling helpless, "From the worst point of view, saying The plans of the United Kingdom and the United States to overthrow Indonesia have already been put on the agenda, and if there is a coup, how can we rescue it?"

The members of the Central Presidium were all silent. If the Soviet Union had a way, it would not have been so embarrassed about the Cuban missile crisis.

Maybe the British Royal Navy is not as sharp as the US Navy, but its strength is still above the Soviet Red Navy.

"The risk is so great, and once an accident occurs, we can't rescue it at all. There is only one way. We have to act first and strive for the greatest victory."

Fortseva said this and looked at Shelepin, "Shurik, is there no progress in the KGB's work in Indonesia? In fact, for many countries, coup d'état doesn't require much power, and a capable combat force command can do it. Get things done, just like in Congo, we control or make Lumumba lean towards us, and now in Katanga we're crushing the British-backed independence forces."

"Even if it is really successful, putting Sukarno in front of the stage is still the first priority." Brezhnev continued along Furtseva's line of thought, "Our long-range projection power is not strong enough, and Cooperation with prestigious national leaders is not an option that cannot be done. If Sukarno is also left aside, the situation in the whole of Indonesia cannot be controlled.”

"I'm teaching the United States a lesson." Compared with others, Khrushchev's mood was the most urgent. He had already thought of the possible consequences of the Cuban missile crisis, but he had not thought that the United States would put the Soviet Union in an extremely uncomfortable position.

If he backs down this time, his blackmailing of the United States with open-ended missiles and closed-mouthed missiles over the past few years will amount to bankruptcy.

But really compromise, even if Britain and France have already taken the initiative to go down the stairs, it is still unacceptable. This is a huge damage to his authority.

So even if it is a final compromise, the Soviet Union must achieve results in another place. "Shurik, Comrade Katja's opinion is extremely important, considering Iran's previous experience, in a sense, the situation in Indonesia's Sukarno is indeed It is very dangerous, do you comrades agree with this judgment?"

When Khrushchev asked for consent, it was not to seek the opinions of others, but to make decisions casually. The people present are naturally very aware of this, and they all nodded in agreement.

After the meeting, Brezhnev left the Kremlin, and Furtseva followed, and Brezhnev said, "Once a compromise is made, the impact will be huge, and our country's national conditions cannot tolerate one. Weak people lead."

"Yeah!" Fortseva hummed, Brezhnev was telling the truth, that's how Russians are. There is no patience for the weak. Both of them tacitly did not continue to discuss.

The British embassy, ​​Alan Wilson, was analysing with Van Sid about what the Soviet Union would do next. The name Van Sid aroused the interest of Alan Wilson, and there was nothing special under the inquiry, Dutch.

"From what I know about the Soviets, I feel that there is little hope for the Soviet Union to make concessions. This time the Permanent Undersecretary came to Moscow, and there may be no hope for the results." Fan Sid is pessimistic about Alan Wilson's visit There is no room for weak people.

"That's not necessarily true. In fact, being good at strategic contraction is far more test of a leader's ability than being good at strategic offensive. Who can't be strategically offensive? But strategic contraction is very difficult."

Alan Wilson felt this way. After the war, Britain began to shrink its strategy, which may not be very honorable to say. But it is also a way to weigh the pros and cons. It is estimated that the framework of the empire on which the sun never sets will be dragged down by the US-Soviet combination.

In general, Britain's strategic contraction is correct, and Alan Wilson knows it. It's just that he doesn't trust the United States, and he feels that the United States is obviously not as mellow as the United Kingdom in terms of diplomacy.

Considering his current age, it would be better to hang up early. If he had a longer life, even if he defeated the Soviet Union, could it be that after watching the United States defeat the Soviet Union, he turned his head and hammered Britain and France, and then closed his eyes and was invincible in the world? Take England into a ditch?

In his opinion, the United States and the Soviet Union are strategically shrinking, let alone the second brother, the Soviet Union has shrunk and collapsed. The United States has seen the consequences, and will not shrink in the 21st century, but this is not a problem that can be solved by a hard cap.

The problem will not disappear just because it is hard to bear, it will explode sooner or later, and then don't affect the hostage of the United Kingdom.

The two people who were discussing at the embassy did not know at this time that the Soviets were now preparing to open another front to find their way back, or it was proposed by the cultural czar in the eyes of Alan Wilson.

With a summary of Indonesian affairs, Semichasne found Shelepin and reported the current situation in Indonesia.

The relationship between the United States and Sukarno is not harmonious. It is also because the United States is on the side of the United Kingdom and is hostile to the Non-Aligned Movement of the Sukarno regime. After all, loyalty is not absolute, it is absolute disloyalty.

After Indonesian President Sukarno began implementing what he called "guided democratic" reforms, the United States, fearing Sukarno's growing ties to the Indonesian Communist Party, has provided armaments, including dozens of fighter jets, to right-wing soldiers and separatists in Indonesia.

The main arms recipients are two different organizations. The first is the revolutionary government of the People's Republic of Indonesia in Sumatra, and the second is a rebel movement based in Manado.

The U.S. government not only provided arms to the two rebel groups, but also sent him agents to Indonesia to help the two groups realize their dreams of secession. The Indonesian side did not understand the intention of the United States and requested military assistance from the United States, which was also rejected by the United States.

Throughout the process, the Sukarno government has discovered that the United States is behind both groups.

"What is certain is that Sukarno is alienated from the United States because of this." Semichasny introduced to Shelepin, "It is not that there is no opportunity to expand the influence of the Soviet Union to Indonesia. In fact, it is quite appropriate."

"If we take action, the US may take measures against Mosaddegh. You also said that the US provides so-called assistance to the Indonesian military every year. Sukarno knows that the US is the backstage of the two separatist organizations and remains indifferent. It can be seen that his political level is not high, or he is too confident in the detached status of his independent father."

"The last person with such confidence~lightnovelpub.net~ was killed by Pahlavi in ​​Tehran."

Shelepin shook his head and said, "This situation is quite dangerous. The most dangerous thing is that Sukarno may also recognize this danger."

At this time, Shelepin didn't know that Furtseva had a list of Indonesian military generals that should be eliminated, and she was still worried about how to find the entry point.

While Sherepin was distressed, Khrushchev, the first secretary of the Soviet Central Presidium, wrote a letter to Kennedy explaining the Soviet Union's position in this crisis.

Soon, Kennedy in the White House received Khrushchev's letter. At this time, Kennedy showed off Khrushchev's autograph letter in front of the foreign ministers of Britain and France, "It turns out, Khrushchev has nothing to do with our naval blockade."

"If that's the case, there is room for a peaceful solution, which is what our two countries want to see." Rabo Butler breathed a sigh of relief, thinking about how he could take credit for ending the Cuban Missile Crisis after returning home. , on top of this British mediation.

Coincidentally, the French thought so too, but Kennedy didn't think so. He didn't want these two overlords to use this confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union to enhance his prestige.